Anti-Patristic: The Stance of the Zealot Old Calendarists
by Monk Basil of the Holy Monastery of Saint Gregory (Grigoriou), Mount Athos
It is hoped that the following articletranslated several years ago, but not posted until nowwill be of some help to Orthodox Christians who are wrestling with
whether they should remain in communion with their Bishop or "jump ship" to one of the Old Calendarist groups. It may also
help those who are struggling with whether the recent reconciliation between the Moscow Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox
Church Outside of Russia means they should leave the ROCOR for one of the break-away churches opposed to the reunion.
The article is not without some weaknesses, e.g., when the author writes "...precisely because [the zealots] also do
not have reasons of faith for their schisms." So-called zealots who read this will likely respond,
"The Calendar per se is a canonical issue; but the motivation behind its uncanonical adoption was a wider
Ecumenist agenda. The Julian Calendar is not dogma, and our struggle is not primarily over the Calendar. Rather, our
struggle is against Ecumenism, which is an ecclesiological heresy, and thus a dogmatic issue. The Calendar change must be
seen in the proper context." These are reasonable points which the author did not sufficiently address.
The question is whether conceding these points undermines the author's argument. I do not think it does (see the closing bullet points).
The author also assails the Studite schisms, writing that they "were not recognized by anyone, but were instead condemned."
This admittedly contradicts at least two Lives of St. Theodore the Studite. For example, The Synaxarion published by the Holy
Convent of the Annunciation of Our Lady, Ormylia, Greece, the reception the Saint and his followers received after return
from exile seems to indicate that his resistance was well regarded. Nevertheless, I do not think this possible error renders moot
the author's points. There were Saints on both sides of this controversy: two successive Patriarchs of Constantinople, Tarasius (Feb. 25)
and Nicephorus (Jun 2). In reading their Lives no conclusions can be drawn about how the Church ultimately viewed their actions as
opposed to those of the Studite party.
Moreover, even if we grant the praiseworthiness of the Studite schisms there still remains the fact that
the key Canon cited by the zealots, Canon XV of the First-Second Synod, was established some sixty years later in order
to clarify appropriate grounds for rupturing communion with one's hierarch:
The eastern patriarchs and more than three hundred bishops, including the papal legates, were in attendance [at the First-Second
Synod]. All confirmed and ratified the proclamations of the Holy Seventh (Ecumenical Synod, and once more condemned the heresy of Iconoclasm.
Patriarch Photios was accepted as the lawful and canonical patriarch. Also at this synod, seventeen holy canons were
written with the purpose of bringing disobedient monks and bishops into harmony with ecclesiastical order and traditions.
Disobedient monks were expressly forbidden to desert their lawful bishop under the excuse of the bishops supposed sinfulness,
that is, personal sins; for such brings disorder and schism in the Church. The holy synod also said that only by a conciliar
decision could the clergy reject a bishop who had fallen into sin. This rule was adopted in direct response to those
unreasonably strict monks who had erred by separating themselves from their new patriarch. (Holy Apostles Convent, trans.,
The Great Synaxaristes of the Orthodox Church, February, p. 195)
Could it be that this Canon was partly motivated by the Moechian Controversy, which concerned certain Canons, not dogma?
A third weaknesss of this article is the author's placing all zealots in the same basket, failing to distinguish between the
many groups which deny the presence of Ecclesial Grace in the New Calendar Churches, and those groups which are more moderate, such as the True (Old Calendar)
Orthodox Church of Greece, Synod of Metropolitan Cyprian, and those in communion with him (True [Old Calendar]
Orthodox Churches of Romania and Bulgaria). These moderate "resisters" do not deny the presence of Grace in the Mysteries of those
Churches with which they are not in communion, nor do they consider the Clergy of these Churches mere laymen, if not outside of
the Church altogether. They would likely share criticisms essayed by this author concerning the zealots.
Regardless of these and other weaknesses, I think the article is quite valuable. It provides many thought-provoking statements and
important historical examples that call into question the position of the zealots today vis--vis the Orthodox Churches who tolerate, to one
degree or another, clergy who make ecumenist statements or violate the Holy Canons at ecumenical gatherings. The clear impression one
gets is that Church history, especially during times of controversy, is not as "black and white" as
many zealots today want others to believe. In the light of this article, some key arguments undergirding the zealot stance seem
simplistic and wooden.
For the record, I personally refrain from attaching the label of "schismatic" or "uncanonical"
to these zealot groups. That is not a judgement I am willing to make. The issue of lawful resistance to heresy is sufficiently
fuzzy that I would rather remain circumspect, awaiting a future Synodal decision. Perhaps once again we will realize that there were Saints on both sides. Until then Canon XV requires
further scholarly study to determine whether the zealots are truly justified in applying to themselves the following excerpt therefrom:
"The holy synod did, however, distinguish between unreasonable rebellion and laudable resistance, for the
defense of the Faith, which it encouraged. In regard to this matter, it decreed that should a bishop publicly confess
or adhere to some heresy, already condemned by the holy fathers and previous synods, one who ceases to commemorate
such a bishop even before conciliar condemnation, not only is not to be censured, but also should be praised as
condemning a false bishop. In doing so, moreover, one is not dividing the Church, but struggling for the unity of the Faith."
The use of this Canon by zealot groups raises many questions; and these questions are a main reason why Orthodox Christians
are so divided over the proper response to the admittedly serious problem of Ecumenism in the Church today:
- Has Ecumenism as an ecclesiological heresy already been "condemned by the holy fathers and previous synods"?
- Is Ecumenism taught with bared-head, i.e., openly, officially, "from the ambon", and promulgated as the teaching of the Church?
- Does Canon XV justify the establishment of a parallel, even rival, synod? Where are examples of this from Church history?
- It's one thing to cease "[commemoration of] such a bishop even before conciliar condemnation", but does this Canon permit
ceasing communion with all other Bishops who might be in communion with that Bishop?
- How can the moderate resisters say that the Bishops with whom they have broken communion are still Bishops when Canon XV
states, "For they have defied, not Bishops, but pseudo-bishops and pseudo-teachers;"?
These are serious questions that can only be answered by a scholarly study of Church history during times of controversy,
as well as of Canon XV. I look forward to the day when such a study exists in English.
Patrick Barnes
+ + +
In the magazine "Holy Kollyvades"1
an article by Fr. Nicholas Demaras was published, in which the Sacred Monastery
of Saint Gregory is criticized for its stance regarding Ecumenism and Zealotism.
The occasion of this article
was my departure from the Zealot Fathers of the Holy Mountain and my taking up residence
in the aforesaid Sacred Monastery. My reason for leaving is the entirely mistaken
ecclesiastical line which the Zealots and remaining G.O.C. [Genuine Orthodox Christians]
Old Calendarists have adopted. Among my many arguments for this decision was the
stance of Saint Sophronius regarding the heretical Monothelites.
In his article Fr. Nicholas
deals mainly with the stance of Saint Sophronius. The bishops of the Church are
also accused of preaching the heresy of Ecumenism through the change of the calendar,
the dialogues, joint prayers and other innovations. Simultaneously our Sacred Monastery
is also criticized because we do not sever ecclesiastical communion with our bishops,
despite the (supposed) explicit injunction of the holy Fathers and the requirement
of the 15th Canon of the First-Second Synod (861)2.
I lived with the Zealot fathers
who, in all other respects, are beloved virtuous monks. I admired their piety, their
love for monasticism, and their struggling spirit. I ascertained, however, that
they are maintaining an anticanonical schism, misinterpreting the teaching of the
holy Fathers and ecclesiastical history.
With the blessing of my venerable
elder Father George, I will for the moment respond concisely to the accusations
of the article in order to prove that our stance is absolutely in agreement with
Orthodox Ecclesiology. The basic criterion for this answer derives from the patristic
teaching regarding heretics and bishops who act anticanonically.
A. THE PATRISTIC TEACHING
1. About condemned heretics
The stance
of the holy Fathers regarding heretics was always the same. Saint Tarasius of Constantinople
says that "in nothing do we find the fathers disagreeing, but as they are of the
same spirit, they all preach and teach the same"3. Thus,
Saint Gregory the Theologian teaches that we should turn away from heretics as being
foreign to the catholic Church4. The heretics, according to Athanasios
the Great, are wolves and forerunners of the Antichrist5, whereas, according
to Basil the Great, worse than Judas6. Saint John of Damascus commands
that we not give communion to heretics, nor take their own,7 since, according
to Saint Theodore the Studite, the communion of heretics is a poison which darkens
and blackens the soul8.
The commemoration of a heretical
bishop is a defilement9, whereas, according to Saint Symeon of Thessalonica,
even attending church with heretics is forbidden10. The Saints urge the
heretics to abandon their heresy and to enter the catholic Church, otherwise they
are not benefited by their good works11, nor can they inherit the kingdom
of God12.
2. Concerning those who unite with condemned heretics
According to Canons 1 and 2 of the 3rd Oecumenical Synod,13 whoever affiliates
himself with heretics falls from ecclesiastical communion and the priesthood. Therefore,
Saints Savvas and Theodosios, together with all the monks of Palestine, declared
that they were willing to shed their blood rather than to accept union with the
Monophysites14. The unions with the unrepenting Latins in the years 1274
and 1439 were faced in the same manner. In other words, the Fathers interrupted
ecclesiastical communion with whoever accepted the union of Lyons (1274). They furthermore
preferred tortures and death, like the venerable Haghiorite martyrs15
and Saints Meletius and Galaktion16. Saint Mark Eugenicos also urged
the Orthodox not to commune with whoever accepted the false union of Florence (1439).
He used to say: "Flee from them, as one flees from a snake"17.
3. Concerning those who preach heresy
The sacred Dositheos of Jerusalem,
interpreting Orthodox Ecclesiology very beautifully, presents the way in which the
Church faces those who preach within Her heretical dogmas: "Heresy which springs
up, if it spreads, an Oecumenical Synod judges and condemns"18.
While after the Synod the unrepentant heretics were completely cut off from ecclesiastical
communion.
In some cases the ecclesiastical
communion with these innovators was cut off even before a Synodical judgement.19
The 15th Canon of the First-Second Synod allows this action, as long as it is done
with the goal of freeing the Church from the schism and heresy of erring bishops20.
Because ecclesiastical schism is not something simple, however, the final judgment
and cutting off of heretics from the Church, as we previously mentioned, was entrusted
to Oecumenical Synods.
The reason for the aforesaid
is that heresies are not easily and immediately realized by the faithful pleroma
of the Church. Some people communed with bishops who preached heretical beliefs
out of ignorance, others for reasons of economy or some other potentially justifiable
cause. As such, it wasn't right for them to be considered heretics before the final
decision of an Oecumenical Synod. Hence, no sacred Canon or holy Father ever imposed
on the Orthodox pleroma the cutting off of ecclesiastical communion with the heretics
before a Synodical condemnation, nor was any clergyman punished for maintaining
communion prior to said condemnation. This is, of course, not the case with those
who continued to maintain communion [with heretics] after the Synodical condemnation.
Quite a few examples from ecclesiastical History prove that from the appearance of heretical
teaching up to the final condemnation, there was a period during which the Church
tried, through Her representatives, to bring to repentance the "new" teachers, implementing
the path of oikonomia, which was recognized by all the holy Fathers. Thus,
for example, whereas Monotheletism was first preached in 615, its main opponents,
Saints Sophronios and Maximos, do not seem to have interrupted communion with the
heretics before the Synods of the West (640-649), which anathematized them.
Oikonomia is also encountered in the case of the stance regarding the Latins.
We reach the above conclusion even if we accept the extreme case, to wit, the popes
officially preached the heresy of the Filioque in 1009 as opposed
to spreading it unhesitatingly from the 10th century.21 The Zealots maintain
that the division happened immediately, since Sergius of Constantinople removed
the pope from the diptychs in 100922. They furthermore present a related
testimony of the sacred Dositheos.
Their perversion of history and the obfuscation of this sacred Father's words are very apparent.
The sacred Dositheos writes that the remaining patriarchs did not remove the pope from the
Diptychs in 1009, but instead after forty five years (1054). It is, of course, understood
that Constantinople was united with the above patriarchs during this whole period.
This oikonomia towards the Latins happened because "the Patriarchs, according
to the ancient ecclesiastical custom, instead of implementing the canonical justice
of Keroularios, awaited the correction of the Roman Church, hence they also suffered
long"23. "The Easterners (in other words), had, by way of oikonomia,
kept silent for a long time, thinking the Italians would move their innovations
towards the better, but [the Italians] having remained in their own stubbornness,
[the Easterners] cut them off from ecclesiastical unity"24.
When also Saint Gregory (the
father of Saint Gregory the Theologian) out of simplicity signed a semi-Arian creed
(361), the monks cut off communion with him25. Saint Gregory and others,
however, did not separate from him. This fact the Zealots usually hide, as well
as the judgments of the sacred Father concerning the monks26. The union
was achieved after Gregory convinced his father to publicly pronounce an Orthodox
Symbol of Faith (364)27. What is more, in his first Peaceful homily,
given on the occasion of union, the great Theologian censures the [zealot] monks
indirectly for their rebellion, hastiness and audacity. He advises them not to return
to "their own vomit", as it is preferable that we remain in the common body
of the Church when we are not perfectly sure.28.
4. Concerning those who transgress the sacred Canons
How they deal with those
who transgress (more or less) the sacred Canons, without touching the dogmas, is
completely different. Canons 13, 14 and 15 of the First-Second Synod strictly forbid
the interruption of ecclesiastical communion with bishops who fall into whatsoever"crime"
before Synodical judgment. The holy Apostles had allowed the interruption of communion
for reasons of "piety and righteousness"29. The word "righteousness",
however, was easily misinterpreted, resulting in various schisms which were condemned
by the Church. These successive schismswhich were mainly by the Studites, and which
continued until the days of Saint Photios the Greatwere the reason why the Saint
and his Synod legislated these Canons.
Also, about fifteen years
before the Synod of Saint Photios, "the holy Methodios synodically brought forth
an anathema against the monks of Studium who cut themselves off from the Church,
because they opposed what was said and written by Theodore against Tarasius and
Nicephorus"30. The tactic of Saint Methodios to accept
by oikonomia the ordinations of the Iconoclasts had caused schisms. The Venerable
Saint Ioannikios condemned these schisms in various ways, maintaining that the Church
must be united because justification for these schisms due to reasons of faith did
not exist 31.
Likewise, the older short-term
schisms of Saint Theodore the Studite in response to the oikonomia applied
by the holy patriarchs Tarasius and Nikephorus "did not seem like a small fall to
the Fathers, but nevertheless again they were corrected"32.
Even his biographer, Michael the Studite, did not dare support the action of Saint
Theodore33. These schisms were condemned by the sacred Methodius34
and Dositheos35, among others. Many monks of that timenotably those
who shone forth as great Saintsalso did not follow the Studites. Among them was
the great confessor Theophanis, who in his "Chronography" mentions the breaking
off of Saint Theodore from the "holy Church" and the "most holy patriarch"36
Nicephoros. Again, the cause of their condemnation was that that there did not exist
justification owing to matters of faith, but rather a deviation from the sacred
Canons.
Of course, the aforesaid
notwithstanding, Saint Theodore is a great confessor; and he is a model on account
of his heroic struggles against the iconoclastic heresy. Only his short-lived schisms
for the above acts of oikonomia cannot comprise a rule for the Church.
Unfortunately, the Zealots publicize these schisms ad nauseam, presenting them as an ecclesiastical
law and unbreakable rule, precisely because they also do not have reasons of faith
for their schisms. They furthermore call "Adulterers" the opponents of the
Studiteas he also called them for a time; and most of the time they hide the names
of his opponents, or fail to call them Saints!37 The reference is to
the Saints and Confessors Nicephoros of Constantinople, Michael of Synnada, Euthymios
of Sardeon, Aimilianos of Kyzikus, Theophylactus of Nikomedia and other great Fathers.
Saint Daniel the Stylite
also called to repentance those monks who separated themselves from the Church without
reasons of faith. He exhorted them thus: "not without danger do we separate ourselves
from our holy mother"38.
In general, all the schisms
which took place on the pretext of exactitude never genuinely expressed the phronema
of the Church. Needless to say, those who did not participate in these schisms were
also not considered to be outside of the Church.
B. ECUMENISM AND ZEALOTISM
1. The Zealots' mistaken evaluation of Ecumenism
In the last century a modernistic
tendencyseminal elements of which were observed even earlierbegan taking shape
in the bosom of the Church. This coincided with an intense effort to approach various
heretics. One of the many sour notes heard during this time was the correction of
the ecclesiastical calendar (1923-1924). This was the occasion of the schism of
the Zealots from the Church. Of course, it would have been a great blessing if the
calendar had remained unaltered and all of the Orthodox had continued to celebrate
the feasts together.
Three great Synods condemned
the Gregorian calendar at the end of the 16th century. The historian F. Vafeidis
writes that "during that year (1583) a Synod gathered in Constantinople, which mainly
condemned the Gregorian calendar; for according to this calendar it happens that
we celebrate [Pascha] with the Jews, which is contrary to the Synod in Nicaea."39
The Zealots, when they mention the above phrase, [often] stop after the
word "calendar", omitting the rest!40 It seems they believe that
the main work of the Synod was the condemnation of the Gregorian calendar per se.
In fact, as the historian
stated, the main reason for the condemnation of the Gregorian calendar was concelebration
with the Jewsi.e., the alteration of the Paschalion [so that Pascha occasionally
coincided with Passovered.]. This, however, never occurred, and we hope
that it will never occur.* In other words, the full meaning of the above quote removes
from the Zealots a reason for schism, since the change of the festal calendar [i.e.,
the Menaioned.] does not touch the dogmatic nature of the First Oecumenical
Synod41, and consequently it does not comprise a heresy.
Therefore, based on the most
strict Canons of the First-Second Synod, and especially on the 15thwhich the Zealots
constantly call upon, the calendar schism was completely anti-canonical.
Furthermore, most of the
Zealots preach that all those who accepted the new calendar, or who commune with
the new calendarists, are excommunicated and are thus without divine Grace!
Of course, the Zealots were
not so nave as one might think based on their odd ecclesiology. They knew they
needed a dogmatic reason. One had to be found at all costs.
Unfortunately, they were
aided by those who promoted a syncretistic ecumenism through ecumenistic dialogues;
excessive longing for union with the heretics; occasionally imparting to them the
holy Mysteries; the isolated cases of recognizing their mysteries as valid; the
acceptance of an ecclesiastical character in their confessions; and joint prayers,
among canonical transgressions.
The Zealots, therefore, declared
as heretics those responsible for the above actions, and thus the longed for reason
was found, albeit delayed. For them it is not important that the calendar schism
occurred a few decades earlier. The important thing is that the dogmatic justification
was found! They also rejoice that they were delivered "just in time" from the
Ecumenists.
In any case, many times,
during periods when heresy was being preached, the holy Fathers implemented praiseworthy
oikonomia towards heretics in order to help them change their train of thought.
They never, however, instigated schisms on account of some clairvoyant ability [that
gave them insight into the outcome of the controversyed.].
Unfortunately for the Zealots,
it must be stressed that the above canonical transgressions, no matter how grievous
and worrisome they are, do not comprise in and of themselves heresy. They comprise
"crimes" against the Canons of the First-Second Synod, as well as transgressions
of other sacred Canons, but not heresy. Heresy is "to deviate in something from the
dogmas laid before us, concerning the correct faith,"42
and estrangement from the faith43.
What about the sporadic and
unofficiali.e., devoid of any Synodical recognitionunorthodox declarations,
agreements or theories of isolated Ecumenists? These do not comprise an official
proclamation of heresy. Even the most extreme Zealots teach that the sporadic proclamations
of the heresy of the Filioquewhich was preached for centuries, and to a
much greater degree44 than the Protestant branch theorydid not comprise
a cause for schism45. Therefore, since these heterodox teachings have
not been [officially] recognized or become hardened and settled, they do not comprise
a cause for schism.
The faithful do have a responsibility,
of course, constantly and fervently to struggle against these heterodox teachings,
to wipe out or at least limit them, so that finally the Ecumenistic attitude and
tactic arising from them may cease.
Even the lifting of the anathemas
of 1054 against the papists by Patriarch [Athenagoras] of Constantinoplean act
condemned by many Orthodox as a very great "achievement" of the Ecumenistswas a
formal "gesture of love", without any relationship to the theological positions
of the Orthodox and the Papists. It did not mean the Schism was over, nor was there
any change in the teaching, canonical order, divine worship or ecclesiastical life
of the Church, nor was there restoration of sacramental communion46.
2. Similar situations from previous times
Similar canonical transgressions,
as well as direct or indirect deviations from Orthodox Ecclesiology, have occurred
in times past, especially in parts of the world where the heterodox were a majority.
Notably, these transgressions did not result in schisms. Unfortunately, the Orthodox
diaspora has brought about an increase in these worrisome and unacceptable transgressions
and deviations.
Subsequently we will mention
a few occasions of oikonomia, canonical transgressions and unofficial (direct
or indirect) ecclesiological deviations, on account of which the holy Fathers did
not, however, interrupt ecclesiastical communion with those responsible. These cases,
of course, are much milder than the official declaration of the Filioque
in the Symbol of faith, or the huge spreading of the heresy of Monotheletism. Despite
this, as we have previously mentioned, for many years the Fathers employed the establied
method of oikonomia in these more serious cases.
1. The Fathers of the
Third Oecumenical Synod condemned Nestorius. They did not, however, anathematize
his "father"47 and teacher Theodore of Mopsuestia, who
had already died, "so that some people will not, by being devoted to the man out
of respect, cut themselves off from the churches. Their application of oikonomia
in this was most excellent and wise", according to Saint Cyrill48.
Later on, when an issue arose
whether to anathematize the heretic Theodore, the sacred Cyrill wrote to St. Proclus
of Constantinople and urged him for the sake of "oikonomia"49
"not to allow him to be anathematized, as this would become a cause for disturbance"50.
As St. Theodore the Studite wrote, "the divine Cyrill practiced oikonomia
so that those of the West would not be cut off (by oikonomia he communed
with them), who in the diptychs mentioned Theodore of Mopsuestia as indeed a heretic"51.
2. The 95th
Canon of the Penthekte [Fifth Oecumenical] Synod defines that, kat' oikonomia,
Nestorians and Monophysites can be accepted with a simple libellum52.
This Canon was also used by St. Theodore for the Iconoclasts53.
Therefore, these applications
of oikonomia were accepted by the Orthodox without creating schisms. Today's
"super-Studites", however, accept the new calendarists with chrismation. What is
more, they claim to act "out of extreme economy," saying that canonically they ought
to rebaptize them (as if it were a case like the Manicheans!).
3. St. Photius bore
the iniquitous customs of Rome as long as they did not impose them on the Church
of Constantinople. He knew that "what is being neglected is not the faith"54,
and consequently there was no reason for schism. Deviations included fasting
on the Sabbath, eating non-fasting foods during the first week of Great Lent, forbidding
Priests to marry, allowing Chrism to be administered only by the bishops55,
and overturning the apostolic restriction concerning the eating of choked animals
and blood. Thus, according to the Eighth Oecumenical Synod (879), the restoration
of the relationships between Saint Photius and Rome occurred through the recognition
of the Symbol of Faith without the addition56, though Rome did not cast
off the aforementioned customs.
4. The holy Fathers
bore the Western church of the 10th century, which was undergoing the age of "the
reign of fornicators"57.
5. During the age of
the Latin occupation the sacred the Germanos the New of Constantinople, along with
his Synod, allowed kat' oikonomia the Cypriot Bishops to accept the profiteering
demands of the Latins. Specifically "for their successors to be appointed by
the Latin archbishop, who also has the right to judge even every episcopal decision
that has been appealed by one of the litigants."58
6. Following the schism of 1054 there was always
a longing for union. At times many epistles were exchanged and dialogues occurred,
specifically 1098, 1113, 1136, 1154, 1169, 1175, 1206, 1214, 1232, 1234, 1250, 1253,
1254, 1272, 1333, 1339, 1366, and 1438. Furthermore, in 1253 concessions also occurred59;
and in 1136 and 1234, conciliatory solutions were suggested by the Orthodox, such
as the phrase "the spirit proceeds from the father through the son"60.
Schisms on account of the dialogues, however, did not occur, except during the false
unions of 1274 and 1439.
Today, both the Haghiorite
fathers and all pious Christians proclaim that they will never accept union with
the Latins, Monophysites or other heretics if they do not denounce their heretical
dogmas.
Unfortunately, in texts of
the Zealots we observe much confusion. The Latin-minded ones which accepted the
Union of 1274 are identified with those who today engage in joint prayers, dialogues,
excessive pro-union efforts, or other similar activities. Likewise, the words
of St. Mark of Ephesus concerning those who accepted the false Union of Florence
are also applied to them, as if they are the same as those who actually entered
into union with the heretics! If matters were so simple Orthodoxy would have been
lost centuries ago.
7. St. Mark, when discussing
the prospect of true union with the Latins, named them not brothers but "fathers"61.
His teacher and great opponent of the Latins, Joseph Vryennios, had previously held
union discussions with the Latins. He furthermore wrote a consultative homily regarding
the union under consideration. In it, however, he fiercely condemned the "Ecumenists"
of his age: in other words, those who wantedaccording to the "branch theory" of
that dayto be united with the pope even though the Filioque remained in
the Symbol. He urged, without separating from those irresponsible parties,
that any union must occur in a correct manneri.e., that the Orthodox
not be subjected to error, so that "we do not fall from the intention"62
(of true union in Christ.)
8. Many transgressions
or deviations (direct and indirect) from the Orthodox phronematransgressions
that are similar to today'soccurred in those times, especially in parts of the
world where the Latins abounded. A multitude of testimonies during the 16th
and 17th centuries indicate that it was customary for the Orthodox to commune with
the Latins, and vice versa. To this we add the commemoration and recognition
of Latin bishops, isolated concelebrations, mixed Mysteries, the granting of Mysteries
to heretics, funerals for heretics, studies in heretical schools,63 the
granting leave to the papist Capuchins to confess and teach, etc. Even Metropolitans
and monks confessed to Latins (in areas occupied by the Turks and Latins), something
which the sacred Makarios of Patmos condemned fiercely, without, however, initiating
a schism.64
During the middle of the
17th century "the monasteries of Athos repeatedly called the Jesuits to found
a school on the Holy Mount for the spiritual training of monks"!65
Also in the same period "in many places, in Jerusalem, in Alexandria and other places,
in one church, in one area, the easterners chant, and in the other [the westerners
chant]"!66 During the same periods dialogues also occurred
with various branches of the Monophysites and Protestants, who were liked and defended
by a significant number of Orthodox Christians. Nevertheless, schisms did not occur
in the Orthodox Church, even though holy Fathers struggled against union with groups
such as the "Lutheran Calvinists"67.
9. St. Nikodemos condemned
the "Latin-minded ones" of his age, or "volunteer defenders of the Latin false
baptism", as he named them68. In 1755 the Eastern Patriarchs
synodically decided that the Orthodox "who came from the Latins should be baptized,
because until then the Latins were accepted into Orthodoxy mainly by chrismation. Despite
this, the Latin-minded ones fought this decision and continued accepting
those having the papal sprinkling of the Latins merely by chrismation.
St. Nikodemos grieved over
the great falsification, corruption and misinterpretation of the sacred Canons,
and for the "fruit that is fatal and an accessory to the perdition of the soul"
which was born of them69. He also mourned over the severe transgressions
of the sacred Canons (especially Canon 6 of the Fourth, and Canons 14, 19, and 23
of the Sixth). As well he grieved for the Simoniacs, who, according to Saint Tarasius,
are worse than the Pnevmatomachi70. He wrote that this God-hated
(according to Saint Gennadios) heresy had become a virtue71, and that
most are ordained for money72. Simultaneously he prudently censured the
theologians of his age for their heretical and blasphemous mindsets73.
The Saint, along with the
other Kollyvades Fathers, struggled fiercely for the sacred traditions. Yet nowhere
can we find that they interrupted communion with the Latin-minded ones or the other
erring Orthodox. These prudent zealots, contrary to those of today, were able to
discern the difference between the Latin-minded ones of their age and the more egregious
Latin-minded ones who entered into the false unions of 1274 and a 1439.
St. Nikodemos knew that there
are "two types of governing in the Church"74: exactitude
(akribeia) and economy (oikonomia). Although he was a
lover of akribeia, he implemented oikonomia, as a long as there was
no officially preached heresy. He taught that when hierarchs or priests transgress,
we must toil to convince them that God's will should be done, without however making
schisms which desolate our souls75.
10. The sacred Synod
of the Church of Greece, in Her decision of 1834, officially allowed marriages with
heretics (they were unofficially done prior to this), a decision which is "illegal
and contrary to the sacred Canons"76. Constantine
Economos relates also the dissolution of more than four hundred monasteries, the
approval of forbidden marriage relations, the founding of theological schools according
to Protestant models, and many other painful things that occurred during that time.
It should be obvious, of
course, that the above canonical transgressions are condemnable. Moreover, whoever
takes them as a model for their relationship with the heterodox is not imitating
the holy Fathers, who struggled for their elimination.
3. Contemporary Zealotism
We believe that the inconsistency
of the Zealots is made clear when they equate the severity of the calendar change
or joint prayers with the fearful heresy of Nestorius, which overturned the "mystery
awaited of the ages" 81 and corrupted the meaning of the salvation
of the human race.
Contemporary Zealotism cannot
be seen as in agreement with the teaching and action of the holy Fathers.
It rather resembles the Studite schisms [arising from canonical infractions] (we
do not mean, of course, those which happened in a praiseworthy manner and with an
utterly confessional mindset against the heresy of Iconoclasm). This resemblance
leads to its condemnation, since these particular Studite schisms were not recognized
by anyone, but instead were condemned. In reality, however, the present-day
schisms do not exactly resemble these Studite schisms either, since at that time
there were not so many mutual defrocking and "Churches". The unsuspected and
lightening-quick defrockings and "acquittals" of zealot clergy can find no parallel
in church history.
The Zealots have fallen into
a multitude of contradictions, from which it is impossible for them to be freed,
since they persist in their positions. Specifically:
1. When they want to
justify their schism due to the calendar change (1924) or one of their internal
schisms (in other words, situations that do not involve heresy), they call upon
the Studite schisms (which justify a schism for canonical transgressions) or the
31st Apostolic Canon, which allows a schism for reasons "of piety and
righteousness". They do this, as we have noted, by misinterpreting
the word "righteousness".
2. When however they want
to justify their schism due to Ecumenism, or in order to prevent one of their internal
schisms, they call upon the 15th Canon of the First-Second Synod (which
allows schism only for reasons of heresy).
Of course the invocation,
on the one hand, of both the Studite schisms and of the 31st Apostolic
Canon, and on the other hand of the 15th Canon of the First-Second Synod, creates
a huge contradiction; for the latter was instituted (as we have said above) in order
to avert the Studite schisms and to clarify or interpret properly the 31st
Apostolic Canon!
The above contradictions
are what contribute to the Zealot divisions. The Zealots typically explain
the existence of nine churches for the Genuine Orthodox Christians, as well as other
independent groups, as the fruit of bad administration and human passions. We are
not in agreement. Rather, their schisms are an outpouring of their utterly
deluded and distorted ecclesiology. Their divisions will never end as long
as they invoke the Studite schisms and the 31st Apostolic Canon for disagreements
over the consecration of metropolitans82, ordinations83, constitutions84,
the publication of an encyclical against the new identification cards85,
iconography86 and other minor issues. (There even exists a group of "Hexagonists"!)
The presidential chair of "the Synod in Resistance" was created out of three schisms,
which brought about an equal number of defrockings. These activities remind us of
the schisms of those abandoned by divine Grace, such as the Monophysites, Protestants
and Old Believers.
Their internal schisms prove
how groundless is their schism from the Church. The ease with which they characterize
the remaining Zealots as heretics reveals that long ago that they have lost an understanding
of the true meaning of heresy and ecclesiastical schism. The simple people have
become confused because they are constantly found in a different group without even
realizing it!
Every group believes that
they alone constitute the Church of Christ, resulting in the performance of rechrismations
between themselves. According to information we received, an archbishop was even
reordained. They have approximately fifty bishops in Greece for only 60-70,000 people.
Years ago the "Andrewite" group in Greece had ten bishops and eighteen priests.
Half of the groups have bishops consecrated by either one hierarch or no hierarch
at all.
In 1955 one of the two groups
was left without a bishop. By necessity they took refuge in the graceless (according
to their theory, since they communed with the new calendarists) Russians of the
Diaspora87. The ends justified the means. Unfortunately they were not
able to recognize that this was matter of abandonment by God, which their impasse
had revealed.
The Zealots, despite their polemics against Ecumenism, appear to fully
implement Ecumenist practices. This is so, because the "heretical" new calendarists
are [often] allowed to receive divine Communion and other Mysteries [in their churches].
We reiterate that the means
by which they deceive and gather to themselves followers is the misappropriation
or misinterpretation of Church history. In time this should be more fully revealed
in a detailed and systematic refutation of zealot ecclesiology.
For all these things we believe
that whoever joins the schism of the Zealots in order to fight syncretistic Ecumenism
is making a serious mistake before God. They harm themselves, as well as those who
are properly struggling against Ecumenism, and who are in need of strengthening. Despite
our strong words of correction, we love the Zealots and pray that God will
enlighten them to be enlisted in the Church, which would allow them to follow the
old calendar, as has happened in previous instances. We are certain that the Church
will exhaust every oikonomia to effect their return and will show the foremost
care for them, since, moreover, they are not heretics.
C. THE CASE OF ST. SOPHRONIOS
Father Nicholas criticizes
me for what I wrote concerning the stance of Saint Sophronius during the period
of Monotheletism. He said that from this I concluded that the Fathers did not cease
commemorating heretics before a Synodical diagnosis occurred. I never said such
a thing. Rather, I wrote that, based on the stance of Saint Sophronius, especially
in his address "to the concelebrant"88 regarding the heretic
Sergius of Constantinople in 634, the obvious forbearance and oikonomia of
the Church to those officially proclaiming heresy is proved. By implication,
of course, this oikonomia prevails much more todayan age during which no
similar heresy is being so openly preached. Father Nicholas describes the ecclesiastical
condition during that time and concludes that in 634 no heresy was officially being
preached. As such, he argues that there was no reason for interrupting communion
or applying oikonomia.
He specifically supports the following:
1. The events leading up
to the heretical "Exposition" of Sergius (638) consisted of discussions and
other efforts to ensure the triumph of the Orthodox position. Clarification was
needed concerning the definitions of Chalcedon, which solved very difficult ideological
problems.
2. In 634 Saint Sophronius
rightly calls Sergius a concelebrant because the latter's Monothelitism is not officially
proclaimed until in 638.
I answer the above as follows:
His first argument is surprising.
After carefully researching the writings of more than twenty-eight historians I
realized that a clarification of the Definition of Chalcedon (which had occurred
170 years before) was not at all in view at that time. On the contrary, the only
goal was a means for union with the Monophysites. As a result, the following expression:
"two natures in Christ on the one hand, but one energy and will"89.
This confession comprised the bare minimum threshold for Monophysitism, since all
the Monophysites accepted one energy and will90..
Father Nicholas writes that
efforts were put forth for the Orthodox positions to prevail. Does this not reveal
that heretical views existed against which the Orthodox ones had to prevail? It
is clear that the Zealots label certain periods when heresy was preached in one
of two ways, according to their whims: "a period of heresy" or "a period of struggle
for Orthodox positions to prevail" (concealing by this choice or words that heresy
was truly being preached.)
Moreover, in ten points of
the article Father Nicholas admits that Sergius had an heretical phronema
(mindset), that he negotiated union (which also was achieved), and that Saint Sophronius
reacted to the union and condemned Monoenergitism. These events are not, however,
described in chronological order. Moreover, the terms "union with heretics" and
"heresy" are also avoided, resulting in confusion. His is, for the most part, a
copy of the synoptic history of Stephanidis.
The following precise enumeration
of the ecclesiastical situation at that time will thus prove how groundless Father
Nicholas' second argument is:
Sergius of Constantinople
sent to the bishop of Pharan Theodore a false libellum of Minas of Constantinople
(+552), asking his opinion about the monenergetic and monothelite positions of this
libellum. Theodore accepted it. Sergius also sent this libellum
to a certain heretic, Paul, stating his and Theodore's agreement with it. These
two events, which must are surely not the only ones, are mentioned by Saint
Maximus in his dialogue with Pyrrus91. The historians place them
around 615-618, since it is certified later in the homily of St. Maximus.
The Saint mentions that Sergius
also wrote to the Severian George Arsa and asked him to send patristic statements
about the one energy. He furthermore told him that based on these statements he
would enter into union with them. Saint John the Merciful became acquainted with
this epistle and wanted to depose Sergius. However the invasion of the Persians
(619)92 in that year prevented him.
Around this time Saint Maximus
embraced the monastic life. He was frustrated by the condition of the Church due
to the expansion of Monotheletism93. As a result, when he saw the heresy
"expanding rather completely"94, he departed around the
year 626 to Africa, where Orthodoxy prevailed.
In 626 Sergius also wrote
to Cyros of Phasidos, certifying the heresy95. In 629, based on the acceptance
of one energy and will, he is united with the monophysite bishop Athanasius, whom
he actually recognizes as Patriarch of Antioch96. Cyrus ascends in 630
to the throne of Alexandria and begins a struggle for union with the Monophysites97.
Saints Sophronius and Maximus unsuccessfully try to prevent him 98. Cyrus
united with the Monophysites in 633 based on the heretical confession "one theandric
energy in Christ"99.
Sergius, who had already
projected "in many ways his own illness" and corrupted "the majority of the
Church"100, accepted this union. He was furthermore united
in the same year with the heretical Armenians, based on the same heretical confession101.
Saint Sophronius then went to Constantinople, and "with the appropriate humble-mindedness
of his schema"102, entreated Sergius not to renew this
old heresy. Frustrated by Sergius' lack of repentance, however, he goes to Jerusalem
and informs the believers that the patriarch and the pope are heretics103.
Sergius was troubled by these
Orthodox voices. He decided to abandon Monoenergitism and to limit himself to milder
Monotheletism104. In the "Vote", which he published around the end of
the 633, he preached the heresy in a milder form. St. Maximus hoped for a moment
that he would disavow the "innovation"105, which had occurred in Alexandria.
Furthermore in his epistle to Abbot Pyrrus he likened Sergius with Moses106.
In 634 St. Sophronius ascended
to the throne of Jerusalem. He sent his enthronement epistle to Sergius and the
patriarchs, striking a blow against the heresy of one energy and will. Nevertheless,
he refers to Sergius as "the most holy of all bishops, and most blessed brother and
concelebrant Sergius"107. He asked him to accept his dogmatic
epistle and to send him the "longed for letters", which will clearly express
the correct faith108. Unfortunately, Sergius did not change, and
in 638 he publishes his heretical "Exposition".
So we see that Saint Sophronius
was in communion with Sergius until 634, even though the latter preached heresy
from about 615, had caused the frustration of St. John in 619, had corrupted the
majority of the Church, and had accepted the unions of 629 and 633.** We have no historical
witness that the sacred Sophronius cut communion until his repose in 638.
These events triumphantly
proves the point of which I spoke, to wit, that the Church was longsuffering and
used economy towards bishops who then preached heresy. These events also show
that the Zealots are wrong when they argue that the 15th Canon of the
First-Second Synod is obligatory109. In the Synod of the Lateran
(649) against the Monothelites there is clear talk about this oikonomia.
In his libellum Sergius, bishop of the Cypriots writes the following: "For
until today we kept silent owing to oikonomia, thinking they would correct their
own teachings"110.
I will conclude by refuting
one more argument of the article. Father Nicholas mentions that St. Maximus did
not accept the conciliatory "Formula" (Typos) and cut communion with the
heretics. "Finally", he concludes, "because he was chased from Constantinople,
the Saint managed with the convincingness of his teaching to call Local Synods in
Chalcedon (646) and in Rome (641) during the reign of Pope John the Fourth, and
in 649 with St. Martin, which condemned Monophysitism and his Monophysitic expressions".
This is a perversion of history. For the sake of the simpler readers I will only say the following: Sergius' lack
of repentance became finally became clear in 638111. Saint Maximus
then began new struggles to convene Synods which condemned Monothelitism (641, 646,
649). During this period the Saint must have also cut communion with the heretics.
The "Formula (Typos)" which Father Nicholas mentions, was published in 648112.
Saint Maximus was led in 653 to Constantinople to be judged113.
He was chased out in 655 and sent to exile in Vizyi of Thrace, and finally to Laziki114,
where he died as a confessor.
So Father Nicholas in his
article commits an historical error when he writes that St. Maximus, after being
chased out in 650, managed to call the Synods of 641,646 and 649! Accordingly, the
result would be [if Fr. Nicholas' historical math were correct] the Zealots' beloved
conclusion, namely, first the breaking of communion and later synodical judgment.
Finally, we posit that Zealotism
and syncretistic Ecumenism actually comprise two great ecclesiastical deviations,
both of which bring about many harmful things for the Church. We pray that the God-man
Jesus will protect His Church from both of these extremes, abundantly spread abraod
His illuminating Grace, "so that we will all say the same thing, and schisms will
not be among us"115.
Endnotes
* The author probably has in mind only the Church of Greece. Concerning all of the Orthodox
Churches, "The sole exceptions are the autonomous Church of Finland, which adopted the uncanonical
Western Paschalion at the instigation of the Patriarch of Constantinople, after the so-called
"Pan-Orthodox" Congress of 1923, as well as several parishes in Western Europe, including that of
Froisek (Switzerland), which celebrate Pascha at the same time as Roman Catholics and Protestants
and thereby, at times, with the Jews, contrary to the First Canon of the Council of Antioch...."
A Scientific Examination of the Orthodox Church
Calendar, p. 173.
** See also the Life of St. Meletius the Confessor. During the Antiochian Schism he was
consecrated in part by Arians, in full knowledge thereof. His irenic, conciliatory personality is similar to that of St. Sophronius.
1. Volume 27 July-December 1999.
2. P.G. 137, 1068 A-C. Presided over by St. Photios the Great.
3. S. Milia "Of the sacred synods...collection, Paris 1761, vol. 2, p.
737.
4. Letter 102, P.G. 37, 196A.
5. Faith of the saints...The Fathers in Nicaea, P.G. 28, 1641C.
6. Letter 240, P.G. 32, 897A.
7. Precise exposition of the Orthodox faith, ch. 13, (86), P.G.
94, 1153B.
8. Letter 24, book 2, P.G. 99, 1189C.
9. Saint Theodore the Studite, Letter 220, book 2, P.G. 99, 1669A.
10. Interpretation concerning the divine temple, ch. 28, P.G.
155, 708D.
11. Saint Anastasius of Antioch, Guide, P.G. 89, 48C.
12. Saint Ignatius the Godbearer, P.G. 96, 508C.
13. P.G. 137, 349-353.
14. Saint Symeon Metaphrastes, Life and lifestyle
of our venerable and godbearing father Theodosius the Ceonobiarch, 49, P.G.
114, 517C.
15. A. Dimitrakopoulou, History of the schism, Leipsia, 1867, p. 70-74.
16. Saint Nikodemos, New Eklogion, p. 320-322.
17. Orthodox Christians...everywhere upon the earth, 6 in Jn. Karmiris,
The dogmatic and symbolic monuments of the Orthodox and catholic Church, in Athens
1960, vol. 1, p. 427.
18. Dodekabiblos, book 4, ch. 10, 3.
19. Saint Cyrill of Alexandria, letter 11, P.G. 77, 81BC.
20. Saint Nikodemos the Haghiorite, Rudder, Athens 1970, p. 358.
21. F. Vafeidou, Ecclesiastical History, 113:1.
22. Concerning ecclesiastical communion and the memorial and the 15th
sacred canon of the 1st and 2nd holy synod, related to them.
Holy Mountain 1993, p. 62.
23. Op.cit. book 8, ch. 2:6.
24. Op.cit. book 6, ch. 7:9.
25. Presbyter Gregory, Life of Saint Gregory, P.G. 35, 261C.
26. Orthodox Informer, Sacred Metropolis of Oropos and Filis, vol. 27,
p. 1, 2.
27. Presbyter Gregory, op. cit. P.G. 35, 261D-264A.
28. Ch. 19-20, P.G. 35, 745-748.
29. Canon 31, P.G. 137, 96C.
30. M. Gedeon, Patriarchal Charts, Athens 1996, p. 185.
31. Saint Symeon Metaphrastes, Life.....of our venerable father Ioannikios,
ch. 51, 52, .P.G. 116, 85A-88B.
32. Concerning Tarasius and Nicephorus the holy patriarchs, P.G.
99, 1853C.
33. P.G. 99, 157CD.
34. Concerning Tarasius and Nicephorus the holy patriarchs, P.G.
99, 1853D.
35. Op. cit. book 7, ch. 4:5.
36. P.G. 108, 992B.
37. Orthodox Informer, Sacred Metropolis of Oropos and Filis, vol. 3427,
p. 1.
38. Les Saints Stylites, Bryxelles 1923, p. 85.
39. Op. cit. 216.
40. Voice from the Holy Mountain, that is: Response to...the censure of
the Calendar accusations," Holy Mountain 1981, p. 16.
41. 1st canon of the synod in Antioch, P.G. 137, 1276B-1277A.
42. Saint Symeon the new Theologian, Catechism 32.
43. Basil the Great, Canonical epistle 1 (188), ch. 1, P.G. 32,
665A.
44. V. Stefanidou, Ecclesiastical History, Athens 1970, 22, p. 343-344.
45. Concerning ecclesiastical communion and the memorial and the 15th
sacred canon of the 1st and 2nd holy synod, related to them.
Holy Mountain 1993, p. 62.
46. Jn. Karmiris, The dogmatic and symbolic monuments of the Orthodox
and Catholic Church, Graz ..1968, vol.
2, p. 1024 (1104).
47. Saint Cyrill of Alexandria, letter 79, P.G. 77, 341A.
48. Letter 72, P.G. 77, 345B.
49. Op. cit. P.G. 77, 345D.
50. Op. cit. P.G. 77, 344B.
51. Letter 49, book 1, P.G. 99, 1085C.
52. Saint Nikodemos the Haghiorite Rudder, Athens 1970, p. 305. English
editor note: "As for Manicheans, and Valentinians, and Marcionists, and those from
similar heresies, they have to give us certificates (called libelli)
and anathematize their heresy, the Nestorians, and Nestorius,
and Eutyches and Dioscorus, and Severus, and the other exarchs of such heresies,
and those who entertain their beliefs, and all the aforementioned heresies, and
thus they are allowed to partake of holy Communion." (The Rudder, p. 401)
53. Letter 40, book 1, P.G. 99, 1052C.
54. Saint Photios, Letter 2, book 1: P.G. 102, 605C.
55. Saint Photios, Letter 13 book 1: P.G. 102, 724-725.
56. F. Vafeidou, op. cit. 112, 1.
57. Op. cit. 136, 1.
58. K. N. Satha, Library of the Middle Ages, Venice 1873, vol. 2, p. 85.
59. V. Stefanidou, op. cit. 23, p. 384, Feida, Ecclesiastical History,
Athens 1994, vol. 2, p. 588.
60. F. Vafeidou, op. cit. 146, 4.
61. Op. cit. 149, 2.
62. The discovered texts, Thessalonica 1991, p. 400.
63. V. Stefanidou, op. cit. 51, 52.
64. Evangelical Trumpet, in Athens 1867, p. 327.
65. Theodoretus monk, Eucharistic participation in the Holy Mountain,
1972, p. 35-37.
66. Op. cit.
67. Saint Nikodemos the Haghiorite, Christoetheia, in Chios 1887, p.
377.
68. Rudder, Athens 1970, footnote on the 46th apostolic canon,
p. 56.
69. Op. cit. p. 12.
70. Op. cit. p. 719.
71. Op. cit. interpretation of the 22nd of the 6th,
p. 238.
72. Op. cit. footnote 6, p. 696.
73. Op. cit. footnote on the 124th of the synod in Carthage,
p. 527.
74. Op. cit. footnote on the 46th apostolic canon p. 53.
75. Concerning constant communion, Volos 1961, part 3, objection, 12,
p. 117.
76. Constantine Oikonomos of the Okonomons, The preserved ecclesiastical
writings, Athens 1864, vol. 2, p. 246.
81. Eph. 3:9.
82. Periodical "Church G.O.C. (Genuine Orthodox Christians) of Greece",
Athens, vol. 1, p. 15.
83. Periodical "The voice of Orthodoxy", Athens, issue 880, p. 10.
84. Periodical "Ecclesiastical tradition", Athens, issue 104, p. 39.
85. Periodical "Church G.O.C. Greece, Athens, issue 1, p. 24.
86. Periodical "Preacher of genuine Orthodox" Athens, issue 214, p.
214-265.
87. S. Karamitsou, The ordinations of the G.O.C. from a canonical viewpoint,
Athens 1997, p. 19.
88. Synodical epistle, P.G. 87, 3, 314A.
89. F. Vafeidou, op. cit. 74, 1.
90. V. Stefanidou, op. cit. 14, p. 242.
91. P.G. 91, 332B-333A.
92. Op. cit.
93. As the biographers of Saint Symeon Metaphrastes,
Nikodemos, Agapios, mention, Life and struggles of Saint...Maximus, P.G. 90,
68-110.
94. Life and struggles of Saint Maximus, P.G. 90, 73D-76A.
95. Dialogue...concerning the ecclesiastical dogmas, P.G. 91, 333A.
96. Religious and ethical encyclopedia, Athens 1962-1968, vol. 11, p.
103.
97. P. Christou, Hellenic Patrology, Thessalonica 1992, vol. 5, p. 260.
98. Op. cit. p. 268.
99. F. Vafeidou, op. cit. .74, 2.
100. Dialogue...concerning the ecclesiastical dogmas, P.G. 91,
333A.
101. Religious and ethical encyclopedia, Athens 1962-1968, vol. 11,
p. 103
102. Dialogue...concerning the ecclesiastical dogmas, P.G. 91,
333B.
103. Dositheos of Jerusalem, op. cit. book 6, ch. 6:4.
104. F. Stefanidou, op. cit. 14: p. 244.
105. Maximus the Confessor, letter 19, .P.G.
91, 592
106. Op. cit.
107. Synodical epistle P.G. 87, 3, 3148A.
108. Op. cit. .87, 3, 3200B.
109. Theodoretus monk, Orthodoxy and heresy, Athens 1982, p. 63.
110. Dositheos of Jerusalem, op. cit. book 6, ch. 7:9.
111. A. D. Kyriakou, Ecclesiastical History, 101.
112. Op. cit.
113. Maximus the Confessor, Explanation of the movement...during secretus,
ch. 1, P.G. 90, 110C.
114. Maximus the Confessor, Concerning what was done...discussed, ch.
33, P.G. 90, 172B.
115. 1 Cor. 1:10.
Translated from the Greek by a Greek Orthodox Priest who wishes to
remain anonymous. Original monograph published in 2000 by the Holy Monastery of Saint Gregory. Posted
to the OCIC on 6/17/2007.
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